July 2026, Volume 37, Issue 3
He did the hard work of defeating Viktor Orbán. But Hungary’s new prime minister faces the harder task of undoing the damage his predecessor wrought. Can he do it while avoiding the traps Orbán left in his wake?
July 2026, Volume 37, Issue 3
Viktor Orbán was ousted by an innovative, grassroots, nationwide campaign run by local civic groups called Tisza Islands. Their success offers a new playbook for civic mobilization against aspiring autocrats.
July 2026, Volume 37, Issue 3
It was long thought that, to be successful, oppositions needed to form broad-based alliances ahead of elections. But Hungary and Turkey show that a single challenger has real advantages against a would-be autocrat.
April 2024, Volume 35, Issue 2
For a time, Hungary looked like it was on the road to democracy. Viktor Orbán’s success derailing it may teach us how to spot a failing democracy before it is too late.
April 2024, Volume 35, Issue 2
Far-right parties in Europe’s newer democracies have been working hard to appeal to younger citizens, and for good reason: Young people’s shifting values make them a ripe target for the far right.
January 2024, Volume 35, Issue 1
In East-Central Europe, neither physical proximity nor memories of Soviet domination have united countries in their response to the war in Ukraine. What matters most is who stands to benefit.
July 2022, Volume 33, Issue 3
The case of Hungary shows how autocrats can rig elections legally, using legislative majorities to change the law and neutralize the opposition at every turn, no matter what strategy they adopt.
April 2019, Volume 30, Issue 2
The historical record since 1945 gives us a picture of how populists operate once they hold political power. The record shows that populism is inimical to liberal democracy, and not a corrective to some of its failings.
July 2018, Volume 29, Issue 3
Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party has used its two-thirds majority in parliament to change the constitution, erase checks and balances, and make the electoral system even more majoritarian.
July 2016, Volume 27, Issue 3
A number of countries in East-Central Europe are facing a grave crisis of constitutional democracy. As their governments seek to undermine the institutional limits on their power, constitutional courts have become a central target.
January 2016, Volume 27, Issue 1
Across East-Central Europe, the political center ground has long been characterized by the uneasy cohabitation of liberal and illiberal norms, but the latter have been gradually overpowering the former.
July 2015, Volume 26, Issue 3
The great achievements of Hungary’s 1989–90 transition—including democracy, rule of law, market-oriented reform, and pluralism in intellectual life—are being dismantled as the world looks the other way.
July 2012, Volume 23, Issue 3
How has Hungary, initially seen as a leading postcommunist success story, fallen into its current troubles?
July 2012, Volume 23, Issue 3
In Hungary’s 2010 general elections, Fidesz won 68 percent of the seats in parliament—allowing it to impose a wholly new constitutional order.
July 2012, Volume 23, Issue 3
Can outside actors help Hungarians to loosen Fidesz’s centralized grip on all of their country’s governing institutions?
October 2007, Volume 18, Issue 4
The countries of Central and Eastern Europe successfully transitioned to democracy. Do their ongoing political problems exist today because of or in spite of the European Union?
October 2007, Volume 18, Issue 4
The populist backlash against corruption, the CEE transition-era elites, and the liberal consensus has led to a democratic crisis, but does not portend systemic change.
October 2007, Volume 18, Issue 4
To understand how East-Central European societies have evolved since 1989, we must understand the building blocks that contribute to the establishment and functioning of open societies.
October 2007, Volume 18, Issue 4
Under the pressure of compliance with the Maastricht convergence criteria governments implement painful welfare state reforms.
October 2007, Volume 18, Issue 4
Having suffered under both of the twentieth century's most brutal brands of dictatorship—fascism and communism—the CEE peoples have been dreaming of a new and better future, the future of the European Union and the Euro-Atlantic community.
Winter 1990, Volume 1, Issue 1
Read the full essay here.
Opposition leader Péter Magyar overcame the rigged system that Orbán created and used it against him. The old playbook of disinformation and dirty tricks was no match for a disciplined campaign that gave Hungarians their voice.
If democracy’s defenders want to push back against authoritarianism, they must learn to tap into patriotic language and a sense of national identity. Such emotional appeals shouldn’t be left to autocrats and demagogues.
The opposition party leader pulled off the most stunning election upset in modern Hungarian history. Magyar did it by taking the fight to the countryside and winning over Orbán voters who were tired of corruption and poor results.
As Hungary approaches a crucial election, Viktor Orbán finds himself vulnerable. These are the three most likely post-election scenarios and how civil society must respond.
A series of unforced errors, poor results, and a worthy opponent are part of the explanation. But there are wider lessons that may explain how Orbán and other illiberal leaders can be defeated.
Russia’s influence operations are more concerned with reshaping voters’ fears and anxieties than convincing them of any specific falsehood. To survive, democratic values need to be defended and mobilized.
Aspiring authoritarians share some common tactics for trying to dismantle a democracy. But recent cases also reveal lessons on how to defend against these attacks and slow the threat of democratic backsliding.
We have long assumed democracy and liberalism went hand in hand. But in truth there have always been tensions between them, and the rise of illiberal democracy cannot be ignored.
The Hungarian leader appears to be working overtime at fraying the country’s ties with even its longstanding friends and allies — and the strain is beginning to show.
Don’t let the Hungarian prime minister’s globe-trotting and grandstanding fool you. Behind the posturing and attempts to steal the spotlight is a strongman who feels his position slipping.
The Hungarian prime minister is on a mission to overrun Brussels, disrupt the EU, and consolidate his power at home. It just might work.
He has created a new office with massive investigatory powers that are vaguely defined and leave everyone on edge. In other words, it’s classic Orbán.
